Sistem sosialis dibagi menjadi dua, dalam bentuk nonpasar dan pasar.[16] Sosialisme nonpasar melibatkan penggantian pasar faktor dan uang dengan kriteria teknis berdasarkan perhitungan yang dilakukan dalam bentuk barang, dan dengan demikian menghasilkan mekanisme ekonomi yang berfungsi sesuai dengan hukum ekonomi yang berbeda dari kapitalisme. Sosialisme nonpasar bertujuan untuk menghindari ketidakefisienan dan krisis yang secara tradisional diasosiasikan dengan akumulasi kapital dan sistem profit.[25] Sebaliknya, sosialisme pasar mempertahankan penggunaan harga moneter, pasar faktor; dan dalam beberapa kasus, motif profit, sehubungan dengan operasi perusahaan yang dimiliki secara sosial dan alokasi barang modal di antara mereka. Keuntungan yang dihasilkan oleh perusahaan ini akan dikelola secara langsung oleh tenaga kerja dari masing-masing perusahaan, atau diberikan ke masyarakat luas dalam bentuk dividen sosial.[26][27][28]Perdebatan kalkulasi sosialis memperhatikan kelayakan dan metode alokasi sumber daya bagi sistem sosialis.
Politik sosialis berorientasi baik internasionalis dan nasionalis; diorganisir melalui partai politik dan menentang politik partai; di satu waktu tumpang tindih dengan serikat pekerja, pada waktu lain independen dan kritis terhadap serikat; serta ada di negara terindustrialisasi dan berkembang.[29] Berasal dari gerakan sosialis, demokrasi sosial telah merangkul ekonomi campuran dengan pasar yang mencakup intervensi negara yang substantif dalam bentuk redistribusi pendapatan, regulasi, dan negara kesejahteraan. Demokrasi ekonomi mengusulkan semacam sosialisme pasar di mana terdapat kontrol yang lebih terdesentralisasi atas perusahaan, mata uang, investasi, dan sumber daya alam.
Gerakan politik sosialis mencakup serangkaian filsafat politik yang berasal dari gerakan revolusioner pertengahan hingga akhir abad ke-18, dan karena adanya kepedulian terhadap masalah sosial yang terkait dengan kapitalisme.[13] Pada akhir abad ke-19, setelah karya Karl Marx dan kolaboratornya Friedrich Engels, sosialisme telah menjadi oposisi terhadap kapitalisme dan menganjurkan sistem pascakapitalis yang didasarkan pada suatu bentuk kepemilikan sosial atas alat produksi.[30][31] Pada 1920-an, demokrasi sosial dan komunisme menjadi dua kecenderungan politik dominan di gerakan sosialis internasional.[32] Pada masa tersebut sosialisme muncul sebagai "gerakan sekuler paling berpengaruh pada abad ke-20 di seluruh dunia. Sosialisme adalah ideologi politik (atau pandangan dunia), gerakan politik yang luas dan terpecah-pecah"[33] dan ketika kebangkitan Uni Soviet sebagai negara sosialis nominal pertama di dunia menyebabkan menyebarnya asosisasi sosialisme dengan model ekonomi Soviet, beberapa ekonom dan intelektual berpendapat bahwa dalam praktinya model tersebut berfungsi sebagai bentuk kapitalisme negara,[34][35][36] administrasi tidak terencana atau ekonomi komando.[37][38]Partai dan gagasan sosialis tetap menjadi kekuatan politik dengan berbagai tingkat kekuatan dan pengaruh di semua benua, serta memimpin pemerintahan nasional di banyak negara di dunia. Saat ini, beberapa sosialis juga mengadopsi prinsip dari gerakan sosial lain, seperti lingkungan, feminisme dan progresivisme.[39]
Tujuan fundamental sosialisme adalah untuk mencapai tingkat lanjut dari produksi material; dan oleh karenanya produktivitas, efisiensi dan rasionalitas yang lebih besar dibandingkan dengan kapitalisme dan semua sistem sebelumnya; di bawah pandangan bahwa perluasan kemampuan produktif manusia adalah dasar bagi perluasan kebebasan dan kesetaraan di dalam masyarakat.[42] Banyak bentuk teori sosialis berpendapat bahwa perilaku manusia sebagian besar dibentuk oleh lingkungan sosial. Khususnya, sosialisme berpendapat bahwa adat istiadat, nilai-nilai, sifat-sifat kultural dan praktik ekonomi adalah ciptaan sosial dan bukan hasil dari hukum alam yang kekal.[43][44] Objek kritiknya oleh karena itu bukanlah keserakahan atau kesadaran manusia, tapi kondisi material dan sistem sosial buatan manusia (yaitu struktur ekonomi masyarakat) yang memunculkan masalah sosial dan inefisiensi. Bertrand Russell, yang sering kali dianggap sebagai bapak filsafat analitik, diidentifikasi sebagai sosialis. Russell menentang aspek perjuangan kelas Marxisme, memandang sosialisme semata-mata sebagai penyesuaian relasi ekonomi untuk mengakomodasi produksi mesin modern demi keuntungan seluruh umat manusia melalui pengurangan progresif waktu kerja yang diperlukan.[45]
Kaum sosialis memadang kreativitas sebagai aspek esensial dari sifat manusia dan mendefinisikan kebebasan sebagai keadaan di mana individu dapat mengekspresikan kreativitas mereka tanpa hambatan baik dari kelangkaan materi atau institusi sosial yang koersif.[46] Konsep sosialis atas individualitas dengan demikian terkait dengan konsep ekspresi kreatif individu. Karl Marx percaya bahwa perluasan tenaga produktif dan teknologi adalah dasar bagi perluasan kebebasan manusia; dan bahwa sosialisme sebagai sistem yang konsisten dengan pengembangan teknologi modern, dapat memungkinkan berkembangnya "individualitas bebas" melalui pengurangan progresif waktu kerja yang diperlukan. Pengurangan waktu kerja yang diperlukan sampai minimal akan memberikan individu kesempatan untuk mengejar pengembangan kepribadian dan kreativitas mereka yang sebenarnya.[47]
Karl Marx dan Friedrich Engels berpendapat bahwa sosialisme akan muncul dari keharusan sejarah kapitalisme yang diberikan sendiri sudah usang dan tidak berkelanjutan akibat dari meningkatnya kontradiksi internal yang muncul dari perkembangan kekuatan produktif dan teknologi. Itu menjadi kemajuan dalam kekuatan produktif yang dikombinasikan dengan hubungan sosial lama dengan produksi kapitalisme yang akan menghasilkan kontradiksi, dan kemudian mengarah ke kesadaran kelas pekerja.[48]
Marx dan Engels berpandangan bahwa kesadaran orang-orang yang memperoleh upah atau gaji (kelas pekerja dalam arti Marxis luas) akan dibentuk oleh kondisi mereka yang menjadi budakan upah, yang mengarah ke kecenderungan untuk mencari kebebasan atau emansipasi mereka dengan menggulingkan kepemilikan alat-alat produksi oleh kapitalis, dan akibatnya, menggulingkan negara yang menjunjung tinggi tata ekonomi kapitalis ini. Bagi Marx dan Engels, kondisi ini menentukan kesadaran dan mengakhiri peran kelas kapitalis yang pada akhirnya mengarah ke masyarakat tanpa kelas di mana negara akan melenyap.
Konsepsi sosialisme Marxis adalah bahwa fase sejarah tertentu yang akan menggantikan kapitalisme dan didahului dengan komunisme. Karakteristik utama dari sosialisme (terutama yang dipahami oleh Marx dan Engels setelah Komune Paris 1871) adalah bahwa kaum proletar akan mengontrol alat-alat produksi melalui negara buruh yang didirikan oleh para pekerja di kepentingan mereka. Kegiatan ekonomi masih akan diatur melalui penggunaan sistem insentif dan kelas sosial masih akan ada, tetapi untuk tingkat yang lebih rendah dan berkurang di bawah kapitalisme.
Bagi kaum Marxis ortodoks, sosialisme adalah tahap yang lebih rendah dari komunisme berdasarkan prinsip "dari masing-masing sesuai dengan kemampuannya, untuk setiap orang sesuai kontribusinya" sementara komunisme tahap atas didasarkan pada prinsip "dari masing-masing sesuai dengan kemampuannya, untuk setiap orang sesuai kebutuhannya.";[49][50] tahap atas menjadi mungkin hanya setelah tahap sosialis mengembangkan lebih lanjut efisiensi ekonomi dan otomatisasi produksi menyebabkan berlimpah-limpahnya barang dan jasa.
Marx berpendapat bahwa kekuatan produktif material (dalam industri dan perdagangan) dibawa ke dalam kehidupan oleh kapitalisme yang didasarkan pada masyarakat koperasi karena produksi telah mencakup massa sosial, sedangkan kegiatan kolektif kelas pekerja bertujuan untuk membuat komoditas, tetapi dengan kepemilikan pribadi (hubungan produksi atau hubungan barang). Konflik antara upaya kolektif di kalangan pabrik-pabrik besar dan kepemilikan pribadi akan membawa keinginan kesadaran dalam kelas pekerja untuk membangun kepemilikan kolektif sepadan dengan upaya kolektif pengalaman sehari-hari mereka.[51]
Che Guevara dan Mao Zedong mencari sosialisme berdasarkan para tani pedesaan daripada kelas pekerja perkotaan. Che Guevara berusaha untuk menginspirasi para petani Bolivia dengan contoh dirinya sendiri yang merujuk pada perubahan kesadaran. Guevara mengatakan pada tahun 1965:
Sosialisme tidak bisa ada tanpa perubahan kesadaran yang mengakibatkan sikap persaudaraan baru terhadap kemanusiaan, baik di tingkat individu, dalam masyarakat di mana sosialisme sedang dibangun atau telah dibangun, dan dalam skala dunia, berkaitan dengan semua orang yang menderita akibat penindasan imperialis.[52]
Peran Negara
Sosialis memiliki beragam perspektif mengenai negara dan peran yang harus dilakukannya dalam perjuangan revolusioner, dalam membentuk sosialisme dan dalam ekonomi sosialis.
Ekonomi sosialis bermula pada premis bahwa "setiap individu tidak hidup atau bekerja dalam kesendirian tetapi bekerja sama dengan yang lainnya. Selanjutnya, semua yang dihasilkan individu dalam beberapa arti merupakan produk sosial, dan setiap orang yang berkontribusi pada produksi barang berhak mendapat bagian di dalamnya. Masyarakat sebagai keseluruhan, selanjutnya, harus memiliki atau setidaknya mengontrol properti tersebut untuk kepentingan semua anggotanya.[53]
Konsepsi asli sosialisme adalah sistem ekonomi yang produksinya diatur secara langsung menghasilkan barang dan jasa untuk kegunaan mereka (atau nilai-guna dalam ekonomi klasik dan Marxian): alokasi langsung sumber daya dalam istilah unit fisik yang bertentangan dengan perhitungan finansial dan hukum ekonomi kapitalisme (lihat hukum nilai), sering melibatkan kategori terakhir ekonomi kapitalistik seperti sewa, bunga, laba, dan uang.[54] Dalam ekonomi sosialis yang berkembang sepenuhnya, produksi dan penyeimbangan masukan dan keluaran faktor menjadi proses teknis yang harus dilakukan oleh para insinyur.[55]
Sosialisme pasar merujuk pada berbagai tatanan teori dan sistem ekonomi yang menggunakan mekanisme pasar untuk mengatur produksi dan mengalokasikan masukan faktor di antara perusahaan yang dimiliki secara sosial, dengan surplus ekonomi (laba) dikumpulkan kepada masyarakat dalam bentuk dividen sosial dibandingkan dengan pemilik modal swasta.[56] Variasi sosialisme pasar termasuk anjuran libertarian seperti mutualisme yang berbasis pada ekonomi klasik, dan model ekonomi neoklasik seperti Model Lange. Bagaimanapun, sebagian ekonom seperti Joseph Stiglitz, Mancur Olson dan lainnya yang tidak secara khusus memajukan posisi anti-sosisalis, menunjukkan bahwa model ekonomi yang mungkin berdasar pada model sosialisme demokratis atau pasar, memiliki kelemahan logika atau perkiraan yang tidak dapat bekerja.[57][58]
Gerakan politik sosialis utama dijabarkan di bawah ini. Teoretikus sosialis independen, penulis sosialis utopis dan pendukung akademis sosialis mungkin tidak terwakili dalam gerakan-gerakan ini. Beberapa kelompok politik menyebut dirinya sosialis sambil memegang pandangan yang beberapa anggap bertentangan dengan sosialisme. Istilah "sosialis" juga dipakai oleh beberapa politisi sayap kanan sebagai julukan peyoratif terhadap individu-individu tertentu yang tidak menganggap dirinya sosialis dan menentang kebijakan yang dianggap tidak sosialis oleh pendukungnya.
Ada banyak variasi sosialisme dan oleh karena itu tidak ada definisi tunggal yang merangkum semua sosialisme. Namun, ada elemen umum yang diidentifikasi oleh para sarjana.[59] Dalam Dictionary of Socialism (1924), Angelo S. Rappoport menganalisa empat puluh definisi sosialisme dan menyimpulkan bahwa elemen umum sosialisme termasuk pada: kritik umum terhadap efek sosial dari kepemilikan pribadi dan kontrol atas kapital—sebagai penyebab kemiskinan, upah rendah, pengangguran, ketimpangan ekonomi dan sosial serta kurangnya keamanan ekonomi; pandangan umum bahwa solusi untuk permasalahan tersebut adalah suatu bentuk kontrol kolektif atas alat produksi, distribusi, dan pertukaran (tingkat dan cara kontrol bervariasi di antara gerakan-gerakan sosialis); persetujuan bahwa keluaran dari kontrol kolektif ini haruslah sebuah masyarakat yang berdasarkan pada keadilan sosial, termasuk kesetaraan sosial, perlindungan ekonomi rakyat dan keharusan penyediaan hidup yang lebih memuaskan bagi orang banyak.[60] Dalam The Concepts of Socialism (1975), Bhikhu Parekh mengidentifikasi empat prinsip inti sosialisme dan khususnya masyarakat sosialis: sosialitas, tanggung jawab sosial, kerja sama, dan perencanaan.[61] Dalam studi Ideologies and Political Theory (1996), Michael Freeden menyatakan bahwa semua sosialis memiliki lima tema: pertama, sosialisme berpendapat bahwa masyarakat lebih dari sekumpulan individu; kedua, kesejahteraan manusia dianggap sebagai tujuan yang diinginkan; ketiga, menganggap manusia secara alami sebagai aktif dan produktif; keempat, memegang keyakinan kesetaraan manusia; kelima, sejarah bersifat progesif dan akan menciptakan perubahan positif dengan syarat bahwa manusia bekerja untuk mencapai perubahan tersebut.[61]
Sosialisme demokratis modern adalah gerakan politik luas yang berupaya untuk mempromosikan cita-cita sosialisme dalam konteks sistem demokrasi. Beberapa sosialis demokrat mendukung demokrasi sosial sebagai langkah temporer untuk mereformasi sistem saat ini, sementara yang lainnya menolak reformisme demi metode yang lebih revolusioner. Sementara itu, demokrasi sosial modern menekankan program modifikasi legislatif bertahap dari kapitalisme untuk menjadikannya lebih adil dan manusiawi, sementara tujuan akhir teoretis untuk membangun masyarakat sosialis sepenuhnya dilupakan atau didefinisikan ulang dengan cara pro-kapitalis. Kedua gerakan ini mirip dalam terminologi maupun ideologi, meski ada beberapa perbedaan utama.
Perbedaan utama antara demokrasi sosial dan sosialisme demokratis adalah tujuan politik mereka: demokrat sosial kontemporer mendukung negara kesejahteraan dan perundingan bersama sebagai sarana untuk "memanusiakan" kapitalisme, sedangkan sosialis demokrat berusaha untuk mengganti kapitalisme dengan sistem ekonomi sosialis, dengan alasan bahwa setiap usaha untuk "memanusiakan" kapitalisme melalui regulasi dan kebijakan kesejahteraan akan merusak pasar dan menciptakan kontradiksi ekonomi.[79]
Sosialisme demokratis secara umum merujuk pada setiap gerakan politik yang berupaya untuk membangun ekonomi yang didasarkan pada demokrasi ekonomi oleh dan untuk kelas pekerja. Sosialisme demokratis sulit untuk didefinisikan dan sekelompok sarjana memiliki definisi yang sangat berbeda untuk istilah tersebut. Beberapa definisi hanya merujuk pada segala bentuk sosialisme yang mengikuti jalan pemilihan umum, reformis atau evolusioner menuju sosialisme, daripada yang revolusioner.[80]
Anda tidak dapat berbicara tentang mengakhiri permukiman kumuh tanpa terlebih dulu mengatakan profit harus disingkirkan darinya. Anda benar-benar merusak dan berurusan dengan hal berbahaya karena Anda mengacaukan orang-orang di sana. Sekarang, ini berarti kita memasuki situasi yang sulit, karena sungguh artinya kita mengatakan bahwa ada yang salah dengan kapitalisme. Harus ada distribusi kekayaan yang lebih baik, dan mungkin Amerika harus bergerak menuju sosialisme demokratis.
Sosialisme libertarian (kadang disebut anarkisme sosial,[91][92]libertarianisme sayap kiri[93][94] dan libertarianisme sosialis)[95] adalah kelompok filsafat politik anti-otoritarian[96] di dalam gerakan sosialis yang menolak sosialisme sebagai kepemilikan dan kontrol ekonomi negara yang tersentralisasi,[97] termasuk kritik terhadap relasi buruh upah di tempat kerja,[98] serta negara itu sendiri.[99] Sosialisme libertarian menekankan manajemen mandiri pekerja di tempat kerja[99] dan struktur organisasi politik yang didesentralisasi,[100] menyatakan bahwa masyarakat yang didasarkan atas kebebasan dan kesetaraan dapat dicapai melalui penghapusan lembaga otoriter yang mengontrol alat produksi tertentu dan mensubordinasikan mayoritas kepada kelas pemilik atau elit politik dan ekonomi.[101] Sosialis libertarian umumnya menempatkan harapan mereka dengan cara demokrasi langsung yang terdesentralisasi serta asosiasi federasi atau konfederasi seperti seperti munisipalisme libertarian, majelis rakyat, serikat pekerja, dan dewan pekerja.[102][103] Terkait dengan hal tersebut, anarko-sindikalis Gaston Leval menjelaskan: "Oleh karena itu kita meramalkan sebuah Masyarakat di mana semua aktivitas akan dikoordinasikan, sebuah struktur yang pada waktu yang sama memiliki fleksibilitas yang cukup untuk memungkinkan otonomi seluas mungkin bagi kehidupan sosial, atau bagi keberlangsungan setiap penghidupan, dan keterpaduan yang cukup untuk mencegah kekacauan...Dalam masyarakat yang terorganisir dengan baik, semua hal itu harus dicapai secara sistematis melalui federasi yang paralel, disatukan secara vertikal di tingkat tertinggi, membentuk satu organisme besar yang di dalamnya semua fungsi ekonomi akan dilakukan dalam solidaritas dengan yang lain, oleh karenanya akan secara permanen menjaga kohesi yang diperlukan". Semua itu biasanya dilakukan dalam seruan umum untuk relasi manusia yang libertarian[104] dan sukarela[105] melalui identifikasi, kritik dan pembongkaran praktis dari otoritas tidak sah di semua aspek kehidupan manusia.[110] Dengan demikian, sosialisme libertarian dalam gerakan sosialis yang lebih luas berusaha untuk membedakan dirinya dengan Leninisme/Bolshevisme dan demokrasi sosial.[111]
Sosialisme Kristen adalah konsep luas yang melibatkan jalinan antara agama Kristen dengan teori politik dan ekonomi sosialisme.
Sosialisme Islam adalah istilah yang diciptakan oleh berbagai pemimpin Muslim untuk menggambarkan bentuk sosialisme yang lebih spiritual. Kaum sosialis Muslim percaya bahwa ajaran Al-Qur'an dan Nabi Muhammad sejalan dengan pinsip kesetaraan dan kepemilikan publik yang terinspirasi dari negara kesejahteraan Madinah awal yang didirikan oleh Nabi Muhammad. Sosialis Muslim lebih konservatif dibandingkan kelompok kontemporer Barat, serta menemukan akarnya dalam anti-imperialisme, antikolonialisme dan nasionalisme Arab. Pemimpin sosialis Islam percaya pada demokrasi dan mendapatkan legitimasi mandat dari publik, bertentangan dengan ayat-ayat religius.
Demokrasi sosial adalah ideologi politik yang "berasal dari tradisi pemikiran politik sosialis. Banyak demokrat sosial menyebut dirinya sebagai sosialis atau sosialis demokrat, dan beberapa lainnya, seperti Tony Blair, menggunakan istilah tersebut secara bergantian.[119][120][121] Yang lainnya berpendapat bahwa ada perbedaan yang jelas antara ketiga istilah tersebut, dan lebih suka menggambarkan kepercayaan politiknya dengan istilah ‘demokrasi sosial’ saja.[122] Ada dua arus utama, baik untuk membangun sosialisme demokratis, atau membangun negara kesejahteraan di dalam kerangka sistem kapitalis. Varian pertama secara resmi memiliki tujuan untuk membangun sosialisme demokratis melalui metode reformis dan gradualis.[123] Pada varian kedua, demokrasi sosial menjadi rezim kebijakan yang melibatkan negara kesejahteraan, skema perundingan bersama, dukungan terhadap pelayanan publik yang dibiayai publik, serta ekonomi berbasis kapitalis seperti ekonomi campuran. Sistem ini sering digunakan untuk merujuk pada model sosial dan kebijakan ekonomi yang menonjol di Eropa Barat dan Utara selama paruh kedua abad ke-20.[124][125] Sistem ini juga digambarkan oleh Jerry Mander sebagai ekonomi "hibrida", sebuah kolaborasi aktif antara visi kapitalis dan sosialis. Meski sistem tersebut tidak sempurna, mereka cenderung memberikan standar hidup yang tinggi.[126] Sejumlah penelitian dan survey menunjukkan bahwa orang-orang cenderung hidup lebih bahagia di masyarakat demokrat sosial dibandingkan yang neoliberal.[127][128][129][130]
Demokrat sosial mendukung varian pertama, menganjurkan transisi evolusioner ekonomi kapitalisme secara damai ke sosialisme melalui reformasi sosial secara progresif.[131][132] Demokrat sosial menegaskan bahwa bentuk konstitusional pemerintahan yang dapat diterima adalah demokrasi perwakilan di bawah aturan hukum.[133] Sistem ini mendorong perluasan penentuan kebijakan secara demokratis selain demokrasi politik, yaitu demokrasi ekonomi untuk menjamin pekerja dan pemangku kepentingan ekonomi lain atas hak kodeterminasi.[133] Sistem ini juga mendukung ekonomi campuran yang menentang ekses kapitalisme seperti kesenjangan, kemiskinan, dan penindasan berbagai golongan, serta menolak pasar bebas secara total atau ekonomi terencana secara penuh.[134] Kebijakan demokrasi sosial yang umum di antaranya termasuk dukungan terhadap hak sosial universal untuk memperoleh pelayanan publik yang dapat diakses secara universal, seperti pendidikan, pelayanan kesehatan, kompensasi pekerja, dan layanan lainnya, termasuk pelayanan anak dan pelayanan untuk manula.[135] Demokrasi sosial berhubungan dengan gerakan buruh dan mendukung hak perundingan kolektif bagi pekerja.[136] Sebagian besar partai demokrasi sosial berafilisasi dengan Sosialis Internasional.[123]
Banyak sosialis merupakan pendukung awal hak-hak LGBT. Bagi sosialis terdahulu, Charles Fourier, kebebasan sejati hanya dapat terjadi tanpa menekan renjana, karena penindasan renjana tidak hanya merusak individu, tapi juga masyarakat secara keseluruhan. Menulis sebelum munculnya istilah "homoseksualitas", Fourier mengakui bahwa baik laki-laki maupun perempuan memiliki berbagai kebutuhan dan preferensi yang luas dan dapat berubah sepanjang hidup mereka, termasuk seksualitas sesama jenis dan androgénité. Dia berpendapat bahwa semua ekspresi seksual harus dinikmati selama tidak ada orang yang dicela, serta "mengiakan perbedaan seseorang" sebenarnya dapat menguatkan integrasi sosial.[154] Dalam karya Oscar Wilde, The Soul of Man Under Socialism, dengan semangat dia mengadvokasi masyarakat egaliter di mana semua berbagi kekayaan, sambil memperingatkan bahaya sistem sosial yang menghancurkan individualitas. Politik sosialis libertarian Wilde juga dimiliki oleh tokoh-tokoh lain yang secara aktif mengkampanyekan emansipasi homoseksual pada akhir abad ke-19, seperti Edward Carpenter.[155] Dia menulis The Intermediate Sex: A Study of Some Transitional Types of Men and Women pada 1908, sebuah karya awal yang menganjurkan pembebasan gay.[156] Dia juga tokoh berpengaruh dalam pembentukan Masyarakat Fabian dan Partai Buruh. Setelah Revolusi Rusia di bawah pimpinan Vladimir Lenin dan Leon Trotsky, Uni Soviet menghapuskan undang-undang sebelumnya yang menentang homoseksualitas.[157]Harry Hay adalah pemimpin awal gerakan hak LGBT di Amerika, serta sebagai anggota Partai Komunis AS. Dia dikenal atas perannya dalam membantu mendirikan beberapa organisasi gay, termasuk Mattachine Society, kelompok hak gay pertama yang bertahan di Amerika Serikat, dan pada masa awalnya memiliki pengaruh Marxis yang kuat. Encyclopedia of Homosexuality melaporkan bahwa "karena Marxis sebagai pendiri kelompok percaya bahwa ketiakadilan dan penindasan yang mereka derita berasal dari hubungan yang tertanam dalam di struktur masyarakat Amerika".[158] Muncul juga dari sejumlah peristiwa, seperti Peristiwa Mei 1968 di Prancis, gerakan anti-Perang Vietnam, dan kerusuhan Stonewall pada 1969, organisasi pembebasan gay militan mulai bermunculan di seluruh dunia. Banyak yang melihat akar mereka di radikalisme kiri lebih dari kelompok-kelompok homofilia yang mapan pada saat itu,[159] meskipun Front Pembebasan Gay mengambil sikap antikapitalis dan menyerang peran keluarga inti dan gender tradisional.[160]
Ekososialisme, sosialisme hijau atau ekologi sosialis adalah posisi politik yang menggabungkan aspek Marxisme, sosialisme dan/atau sosialisme libertarian dengan politik hijau, ekologi dan alterglobalisasi. Ekososialis umumnya percaya bahwa perluasan sistem kapitalis adalah penyebab eksklusi sosial, kemiskinan, perang, dan degradasi lingkungan melalui globalisasi dan imperialisme di bawah pengawasan negara dan struktur transnasional yang represif.[161] Bertentangan dengan penggambaran Karl Marx oleh beberapa aktivis lingkungan,[162]ahli ekologi sosial,[163] dan sesama sosialis[164] sebagai produktivis yang menyukai dominasi atas alam, ekososialis telah meninjau kembali tulisan Marx dan percaya bahwa dia "adalah pencetus utama pandangan dunia ekologis".[165] Penulis ekososialis seperti John Bellamy Foster[166] dan Paul Burkett,[167] menunjukkan diskusi Marx tentang "keretakan metabolis" antara manusia dan alam, pernyataannya bahwa "kepemilikan pribadi atas dunia oleh individu tunggal akan tampak sangat absurd, sama seperti kepemilikan pribadi manusia oleh manusia lainnya" dan pengamatannya bahwa suatu masyarakat "menyerahkan planet kepada generasi penerus dalam kondisi yang lebih baik".[168] Sosialis Inggris, William Morris sebagian besar dihargai atas pengembangan prinsip-prinsip utama dari apa yang kemudian disebut ekososialisme.[169] Selama 1880-an dan 1890-an, Morris mempromosikan gagasan ekososialisnya di dalam Federasi Demokrat Sosial dan Liga Sosialis.[170]Anarkisme hijau, atau ekoanarkisme, adalah aliran pemikiran di dalam anarkisme yang menempatkan penekanan khusus pada permasalah lingkungan. Pengaruh awal penting yaitu pemikiran dari anarkis Amerika, Henry David Thoreau dan bukunya Walden[171] dan Élisée Reclus.[172][173]
Sindikalisme adalah gerakan sosial yang bekerja melalui serikat pekerja industri dan menolak sosialisme negara dan penggunaan politik mapan untuk membangun atau mempromosikan sosialisme. Mereka menolak menggunakan kekuasaan negara untuk membangun masyarakat sosialis, lebih mendukung strategi seperti pemogokan umum. Kaum sindikalis menganjurkan ekonomi sosialis yang didasarkan pada pembuatan federasi serikat atau sindikat pekerja yang memiliki dan mengelola alat-alat produksi. Beberapa aliran Marxis menganjurkan sindikalisme, seperti De-Leonisme. Anarko-sindikalisme adalah teori anarkisme yang memandang sindikalisme sebagai metode bagi pekerja di masyarakat kapitalis untuk meraih kontrol ekonomi dan dengan kontrol tersebut dapat mempengaruhi masyarakat yang lebih luas. Revolusi Spanyol sebagian besar didalangi oleh serikat pekerja anarko-sindikalis CNT selama Perang Saudara Spanyol, dan peristiwa tersebut menawarkan contoh sejarah.[183]Asosiasi Pekerja Internasional adalah federasi internasional serikat pekerja anarko-sindikalis.
^Nove, Alec. "Socialism". New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, Second Edition (2008). A society may be defined as socialist if the major part of the means of production of goods and services is in some sense socially owned and operated, by state, socialised or cooperative enterprises. The practical issues of socialism comprise the relationships between management and workforce within the enterprise, the interrelationships between production units (plan versus markets), and, if the state owns and operates any part of the economy, who controls it and how.
^"What else does a socialist economic system involve? Those who favor socialism generally speak of social ownership, social control, or socialization of the means of production as the distinctive positive feature of a socialist economic system" N. Scott Arnold. The Philosophy and Economics of Market Socialism : A Critical Study. Oxford University Press. 1998. p. 8
^ abBusky, Donald F. (2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Praeger. hlm. 2. ISBN978-0-275-96886-1. Socialism may be defined as movements for social ownership and control of the economy. It is this idea that is the common element found in the many forms of socialism.
^Bertrand Badie; Dirk Berg-Schlosser; Leonardo Morlino (2011). International Encyclopedia of Political Science. SAGE Publications, Inc. hlm. 2456. ISBN978-1-4129-5963-6. Socialist systems are those regimes based on the economic and political theory of socialism, which advocates public ownership and cooperative management of the means of production and allocation of resources.
^Zimbalist, Sherman and Brown, Andrew, Howard J. and Stuart (1988). Comparing Economic Systems: A Political-Economic Approach. Harcourt College Pub. hlm. 7. ISBN978-0-15-512403-5. Pure socialism is defined as a system wherein all of the means of production are owned and run by the government and/or cooperative, nonprofit groups.
^Brus, Wlodzimierz (2015). The Economics and Politics of Socialism. Routledge. hlm. 87. ISBN978-0-415-86647-7. This alteration in the relationship between economy and politics is evident in the very definition of a socialist economic system. The basic characteristic of such a system is generally reckoned to be the predominance of the social ownership of the means of production.
^Michie, Jonathan (2001). Readers Guide to the Social Sciences. Routledge. hlm. 1516. ISBN978-1-57958-091-9. Just as private ownership defines capitalism, social ownership defines socialism. The essential characteristic of socialism in theory is that it destroys social hierarchies, and therefore leads to a politically and economically egalitarian society. Two closely related consequences follow. First, every individual is entitled to an equal ownership share that earns an aliquot part of the total social dividend…Second, in order to eliminate social hierarchy in the workplace, enterprises are run by those employed, and not by the representatives of private or state capital. Thus, the well-known historical tendency of the divorce between ownership and management is brought to an end. The society—i.e. every individual equally—owns capital and those who work are entitled to manage their own economic affairs.
^"2. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) any of various social or political theories or movements in which the common welfare is to be achieved through the establishment of a socialist economic system" "Socialism" at The Free dictionary
^O'Hara, Phillip (September 2003). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. hlm. 71. ISBN0-415-24187-1. In order of increasing decentralisation (at least) three forms of socialized ownership can be distinguished: state-owned firms, employee-owned (or socially) owned firms, and citizen ownership of equity.
^Arnold, Scott (1994). The Philosophy and Economics of Market Socialism: A Critical Study. Oxford University Press. hlm. 7–8. ISBN978-0-19-508827-4. This term is harder to define, since socialists disagree among themselves about what socialism ‘really is.’ It would seem that everyone (socialists and nonsocialists alike) could at least agree that it is not a system in which there is widespread private ownership of the means of production…To be a socialist is not just to believe in certain ends, goals, values, or ideals. It also requires a belief in a certain institutional means to achieve those ends; whatever that may mean in positive terms, it certainly presupposes, at a minimum, the belief that these ends and values cannot be achieved in an economic system in which there is widespread private ownership of the means of production…Those who favor socialism generally speak of social ownership, social control, or socialization of the means of production as the distinctive positive feature of a socialist economic system.
^Hastings, Mason and Pyper, Adrian, Alistair and Hugh (21 December 2000). The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. Oxford University Press. hlm. 677. ISBN978-0-19-860024-4. Socialists have always recognized that there are many possible forms of social ownership of which co-operative ownership is one...Nevertheless, socialism has throughout its history been inseparable from some form of common ownership. By its very nature it involves the abolition of private ownership of capital; bringing the means of production, distribution, and exchange into public ownership and control is central to its philosophy. It is difficult to see how it can survive, in theory or practice, without this central idea.
^Kolb, Robert (19 October 2007). Encyclopedia of Business Ethics and Society, First Edition. SAGE Publications, Inc. hlm. 1345. ISBN978-1412916523. There are many forms of socialism, all of which eliminate private ownership of capital and replace it with collective ownership. These many forms, all focused on advancing distributive justice for long-term social welfare, can be divided into two broad types of socialism: nonmarket and market.
^Bockman, Johanna (2011). Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism. Stanford University Press. hlm. 20. ISBN978-0-8047-7566-3. socialism would function without capitalist economic categories—such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent—and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money.
^Steele, David Ramsay (1999). From Marx to Mises: Post Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation. Open Court. hlm. 175–77. ISBN978-0-87548-449-5. Especially before the 1930s, many socialists and anti-socialists implicitly accepted some form of the following for the incompatibility of state-owned industry and factor markets. A market transaction is an exchange of property titles between two independent transactors. Thus internal market exchanges cease when all of industry is brought into the ownership of a single entity, whether the state or some other organization...the discussion applies equally to any form of social or community ownership, where the owning entity is conceived as a single organization or administration.
^Is Socialism Dead? A Comment on Market Socialism and Basic Income Capitalism, by Arneson, Richard J. 1992. Ethics, vol. 102, no. 3, pp. 485–511. April 1992: "Marxian socialism is often identified with the call to organize economic activity on a nonmarket basis."
^Market Socialism: The Debate Among Socialists, by Schweickart, David; Lawler, James; Ticktin, Hillel; Ollman, Bertell. 1998. From "The Difference Between Marxism and Market Socialism" (pp. 61–63): "More fundamentally, a socialist society must be one in which the economy is run on the principle of the direct satisfaction of human needs...Exchange-value, prices and so money are goals in themselves in a capitalist society or in any market. There is no necessary connection between the accumulation of capital or sums of money and human welfare. Under conditions of backwardness, the spur of money and the accumulation of wealth has led to a massive growth in industry and technology ... It seems an odd argument to say that a capitalist will only be efficient in producing use-value of a good quality when trying to make more money than the next capitalist. It would seem easier to rely on the planning of use-values in a rational way, which because there is no duplication, would be produced more cheaply and be of a higher quality."
^The Economics of Feasible Socialism Revisited, by Nove, Alexander. 1991. p. 13: "Under socialism, by definition, it (private property and factor markets) would be eliminated. There would then be something like ‘scientific management’, ‘the science of socially organized production’, but it would not be economics."
^Kotz, David M. "Socialism and Capitalism: Are They Qualitatively Different Socioeconomic Systems?"(PDF). University of Massachusetts. Diakses tanggal 19 February 2011. "This understanding of socialism was held not just by revolutionary Marxist socialists but also by evolutionary socialists, Christian socialists, and even anarchists. At that time, there was also wide agreement about the basic institutions of the future socialist system: public ownership instead of private ownership of the means of production, economic planning instead of market forces, production for use instead of for profit."
^Toward a Socialism for the Future, in the Wake of the Demise of the Socialism of the Past, by Weisskopf, Thomas E. 1992. Review of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 24, No. 3–4, p. 2: "Socialism has historically been committed to the improvement of people's material standards of living. Indeed, in earlier days many socialists saw the promotion of improving material living standards as the primary basis for socialism's claim to superiority over capitalism, for socialism was to overcome the irrationality and inefficiency seen as endemic to a capitalist system of economic organization."
^Prychito, David L. (2002). Markets, Planning, and Democracy: Essays After the Collapse of Communism. Edward Elgar Publishing. hlm. 12. ISBN978-1-84064-519-4. Socialism is a system based upon de facto public or social ownership of the means of production, the abolition of a hierarchical division of labor in the enterprise, a consciously organized social division of labor. Under socialism, money, competitive pricing, and profit-loss accounting would be destroyed.
^Social Dividend versus Basic Income Guarantee in Market Socialism, by Marangos, John. 2004. International Journal of Political Economy, vol. 34, no. 3, Fall 2004.
^O'Hara, Phillip (2000). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. hlm. 71. ISBN978-0-415-24187-8. Market socialism is the general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilized to distribute economic output, to organize production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.
^Pierson, Christopher (1995). Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism. Pennsylvania State Univ Press. hlm. 96. ISBN978-0-271-01478-4. At the heart of the market socialist model is the abolition of the large-scale private ownership of capital and its replacement by some form of ‘social ownership’. Even the most conservative accounts of market socialism insist that this abolition of large-scale holdings of private capital is essential. This requirement is fully consistent with the market socialists’ general claim that the vices of market capitalism lie not with the institutions of the market but with (the consequences of) the private ownership of capital...
^"In fact, socialism has been both centralist and local; organized from above and built from below; visionary and pragmatic; revolutionary and reformist; anti-state and statist; internationalist and nationalist; harnessed to political parties and shunning them; an outgrowth of trade unionism and independent of it; a feature of rich industrialized countries and poor peasant-based communities" Michael Newman. Socialism: A very Short introduction. Oxford University Press. 2005. p. 2.
^Anthony Giddens. Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics. 1998 edition. Cambridge, England, UK: Polity Press, 1994, 1998. p. 71.
^"Chapter 1 looks at the foundations of the doctrine by examining the contribution made by various traditions of socialism in the period between the early 19th century and the aftermath of the First World War. The two forms that emerged as dominant by the early 1920s were social democracy and communism." Michael Newman. Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. 2005. p. 5
^George Thomas Kurian (ed). The Encyclopedia of Political Science CQ Press. Washington, DC 2011. p. 1554
^Ellman, Michael (2007). "The Rise and Fall of Socialist Planning". Dalam Estrin, Saul; Kołodko, Grzegorz W.; Uvalić, Milica. Transition and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Mario Nuti. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. hlm. 22. ISBN978-0-230-54697-4. In the USSR in the late 1980s the system was normally referred to as the ‘administrative-command’ economy. What was fundamental to this system was not the plan but the role of administrative hierarchies at all levels of decision making; the absence of control over decision making by the population...
^Garrett Ward Sheldon. Encyclopedia of Political Thought. Fact on File. Inc. 2001. p. 280.
^Andrew Vincent. Modern political ideologies. Wiley-Blackwell publishing. 2010. pp. 87–88
^Socialism and the Market: The Socialist Calculation Debate Revisited. Routledge Library of 20th Century Economics, 2000. p. 12. ISBN978-0-415-19586-7.
^Claessens, August (2009). The logic of socialism. Kessinger Publishing, LLC. hlm. 15. ISBN978-1-104-23840-7. The individual is largely a product of his environment and much of his conduct and behavior is the reflex of getting a living in a particular stage of society.
^Ferri, Enrico, "Socialism and Modern Science", in Evolution and Socialism (1912), p. 79:
Upon what point are orthodox political economy and socialism in absolute conflict? Political economy has held and holds that the economic laws governing the production and distribution of wealth which it has established are natural laws ... not in the sense that they are laws naturally determined by the condition of the social organism (which would be correct), but that they are absolute laws, that is to say that they apply to humanity at all times and in all places, and consequently, that they are immutable in their principal points, though they may be subject to modification in details. Scientific socialism holds, the contrary, that the laws established by classical political economy, since the time of Adam Smith, are laws peculiar to the present period in the history of civilized humanity, and that they are, consequently, laws essentially relative to the period of their analysis and discovery.
^Bhargava. Political Theory: An Introduction. Pearson Education India, 2008. p. 249.
^Marx, Karl (1857–1861). "The Grundrisse". The free development of individualities, and hence not the reduction of necessary labour time so as to posit surplus labour, but rather the general reduction of the necessary labour of society to a minimum, which then corresponds to the artistic, scientific etc. development of the individuals in the time set free, and with the means created, for all of them.
^Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century, 2003, by Gregory and Stuart. p. 62, Marx's Theory of Change. ISBN 0-618-26181-8.
^Schaff, Kory (2001). Philosophy and the problems of work: a reader. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield. hlm. 224. ISBN0-7425-0795-5.
^Bockman, Johanna (2011). Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism. Stanford University Press. hlm. 20. ISBN978-0-8047-7566-3. According to nineteenth-century socialist views, socialism would function without capitalist economic categories – such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent – and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money.
^O'Hara, Phillip (September 2003). Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2. Routledge. hlm. 70. ISBN978-0-415-24187-8. Market socialism is a general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilised to distribute economic output, to organise production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.
^Stiglitz, Joseph (January 1996). Whither Socialism?. The MIT Press. ISBN978-0262691826. .
^Mancur Olson, Jr., 1965, 2nd ed., 1971. The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, Harvard University Press, Description, Table of Contents, and preview.
^"ANARCHISM, a social philosophy that rejects authoritarian government and maintains that voluntary institutions are best suited to express man's natural social tendencies." George Woodcock. "Anarchism" at The Encyclopedia of Philosophy
^"In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions." Peter Kropotkin. "Anarchism" from the Encyclopædia Britannica
^"Anarchism." The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2005. p. 14 "Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable."
^Sheehan, Sean. Anarchism, London: Reaktion Books Ltd., 2004. p. 85
^"as many anarchists have stressed, it is not government as such that they find objectionable, but the hierarchical forms of government associated with the nation state." Judith Suissa. Anarchism and Education: a Philosophical Perspective. Routledge. New York. 2006. p. 7
^"That is why Anarchy, when it works to destroy authority in all its aspects, when it demands the abrogation of laws and the abolition of the mechanism that serves to impose them, when it refuses all hierarchical organisation and preaches free agreement—at the same time strives to maintain and enlarge the precious kernel of social customs without which no human or animal society can exist." Peter Kropotkin. Anarchism: its philosophy and ideal
^Malatesta, Errico. "Towards Anarchism". MAN!. OCLC3930443. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 7 November 2012. Agrell, Siri (14 May 2007). "Working for The Man". The Globe and Mail. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 16 May 2007. Diakses tanggal 14 April 2008."Anarchism". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service. 2006. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 14 December 2006. Diakses tanggal 29 August 2006. "Anarchism". The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy: 14. 2005. Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable. The following sources cite anarchism as a political philosophy:
Mclaughlin, Paul (2007). Anarchism and Authority. Aldershot: Ashgate. hlm. 59. ISBN978-0-7546-6196-2. Johnston, R. (2000). The Dictionary of Human Geography. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers. hlm. 24. ISBN978-0-631-20561-6.
^Slevin, Carl. "Anarchism." The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Ed. Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan. Oxford University Press, 2003.
^ ab"Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations." Emma Goldman. "What it Really Stands for Anarchy" in Anarchism and Other Essays.
^ abBrown, L. Susan (2002). "Anarchism as a Political Philosophy of Existential Individualism: Implications for Feminism". The Politics of Individualism: Liberalism, Liberal Feminism and Anarchism. Black Rose Books Ltd. Publishing. hlm. 106.
^"Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations—by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power—and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism by Paul McLaughlin. AshGate. 2007. p. 1
^Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left,—follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism ... Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx." Benjamin Tucker. Individual Liberty.
^Anarchist historian George Woodcock report of Mikhail Bakunin's anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (p. 9) ... Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Bern Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."
^Schweickart, David (2006). "Democratic Socialism". Encyclopedia of Activism and Social Justice. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 17 June 2012. "Social democrats supported and tried to strengthen the basic institutions of the welfare state—pensions for all, public health care, public education, unemployment insurance. They supported and tried to strengthen the labour movement. The latter, as socialists, argued that capitalism could never be sufficiently humanised, and that trying to suppress the economic contradictions in one area would only see them emerge in a different guise elsewhere. (E.g., if you push unemployment too low, you'll get inflation; if job security is too strong, labour discipline breaks down; etc.)"
^This definition is captured in this statement by Anthony Crosland, who "argued that the socialisms of the pre-war world (not just that of the Marxists, but of the democratic socialists too) were now increasingly irrelevant". Pierson, Chris (June 2005). "Lost property: What the Third Way lacks". Journal of Political Ideologies. 10 (2): 145–63. doi:10.1080/13569310500097265. Other texts which use the terms "democratic socialism" in this way include Malcolm Hamilton Democratic Socialism in Britain and Sweden (St Martin's Press 1989).
^Franklin, Robert Michael (1990). Liberating Visions: Human Fulfillment and Social Justice in African-American Thought. Fortress Press. hlm. 125. ISBN978-0-8006-2392-0.
^Rosa Luxemburg as part of a longer section on Blanquism in her "Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy" (later published as "Leninism or Marxism?"), writes: "For Lenin, the difference between the Social democracy and Blanquism is reduced to the observation that in place of a handful of conspirators we have a class-conscious proletariat. He forgets that this difference implies a complete revision of our ideas on organisation and, therefore, an entirely different conception of centralism and the relations existing between the party and the struggle itself. Blanquism did not count on the direct action of the working class. It, therefore, did not need to organise the people for the revolution. The people were expected to play their part only at the moment of revolution. Preparation for the revolution concerned only the little group of revolutionists armed for the coup. Indeed, to assure the success of the revolutionary conspiracy, it was considered wiser to keep the mass at some distance from the conspirators.Rosa Luxemburg, Leninism or Marxism?, Marx.org, last retrieved 25 April 2007
^Marxism–Leninism. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company.
^Ostergaard, Geoffrey. "Anarchism". A Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Blackwell Publishing, 1991. p. 21.
^Chomsky, Noam (2004). Language and Politics. In Otero, Carlos Peregrín. AK Press. p. 739
^Bookchin, Murray and Janet Biehl. The Murray Bookchin Reader. Cassell, 1997. p. 170 ISBN0-304-33873-7
^Hicks, Steven V. and Daniel E. Shannon. The American journal of economics and sociolology. Blackwell Pub, 2003. p. 612
^Miller, Wilbur R. (2012). The social history of crime and punishment in America. An encyclopedia. 5 vols. London: Sage Publications. p. 1007. ISBN1-4129-8876-4. "There exist three major camps in libertarian thought: right-libertarianism, socialist libertarianism, and ..."
^"unlike other socialists, they tend to see (to various different degrees, depending on the thinker) to be skeptical of centralised state intervention as the solution to capitalist exploitation..." Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305
^"Therefore, rather than being an oxymoron, "libertarian socialism" indicates that true socialism must be libertarian and that a libertarian who is not a socialist is a phoney. As true socialists oppose wage labour, they must also oppose the state for the same reasons. Similarly, libertarians must oppose wage labour for the same reasons they must oppose the state." [https://web.archive.org/web/20171116212712/http://www.infoshop.org/AnarchistFAQSectionI1 Diarsipkan 2017-11-16 di Wayback Machine. "I1. Isn´t libertarian socialism an oxymoron" in An Anarchist FAQ
^" ...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations. Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305
^Mendes, Silva. Socialismo Libertário ou Anarchismo Vol. 1 (1896): "Society should be free through mankind's spontaneous federative affiliation to life, based on the community of land and tools of the trade; meaning: Anarchy will be equality by abolition of private property (while retaining respect for personal property) and liberty by abolition of authority".
^"...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local, voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations-sometimes as a complement to and check on state power..."
^"LibSoc share with LibCap an aversion to any interference to freedom of thought, expression or choice of lifestyle." Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. p 305
^"What is implied by the term 'libertarian socialism'?: The idea that socialism is first and foremost about freedom and therefore about overcoming the domination, repression, and alienation that block the free flow of human creativity, thought, and action...An approach to socialism that incorporates cultural revolution, women's and children's liberation, and the critique and transformation of daily life, as well as the more traditional concerns of socialist politics. A politics that is completely revolutionary because it seeks to transform all of reality. We do not think that capturing the economy and the state lead automatically to the transformation of the rest of social being, nor do we equate liberation with changing our life-styles and our heads. Capitalism is a total system that invades all areas of life: socialism must be the overcoming of capitalist reality in its entirety, or it is nothing." "What is Libertarian Socialism?" by Ulli Diemer. Volume 2, Number 1 (Summer 1997 issue) of The Red Menace.
^"The Soviet Union Versus Socialism". chomsky.info. Diakses tanggal 22 November 2015. Libertarian socialism, furthermore, does not limit its aims to democratic control by producers over production, but seeks to abolish all forms of domination and hierarchy in every aspect of social and personal life, an unending struggle, since progress in achieving a more just society will lead to new insight and understanding of forms of oppression that may be concealed in traditional practice and consciousness.
^"Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explred in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations—by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power—and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation. "Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism by Paul McLaughlin. AshGate. 2007. p. 1
^Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left,—follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism...Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx." Benjamin Tucker. Individual Liberty.
^Anarchist historian George Woodcock report of Mikhail Bakunin's anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (p. 9)...Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Bern Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."
^"It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like (Adam) Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west. John O´Neil." The Market: Ethics, knowledge and politics. Routledge. 1998. p. 3
^Sims, Franwa (2006). The Anacostia Diaries As It Is. Lulu Press. hlm. 160.
^Murray Bookchin, Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism; Robert Graham, The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution
^Kent Bromley, in his preface to Peter Kropotkin's book The Conquest of Bread, considered early French utopian socialist Charles Fourier to be the founder of the libertarian branch of socialist thought, as opposed to the authoritarian socialist ideas of Babeuf and Buonarroti." Kropotkin, Peter. The Conquest of Bread, preface by Kent Bromley, New York and London, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1906.
^"(Benjamin) Tucker referred to himself many times as a socialist and considered his philosophy to be "Anarchistic socialism." An Anarchist FAQ by Various Authors
^French individualist anarchist Émile Armand shows clearly opposition to capitalism and centralised economies when he said that the individualist anarchist "inwardly he remains refractory—fatally refractory—morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)""Anarchist Individualism as a Life and Activity" by Emile Armand
^Anarchist Peter Sabatini reports that in the United States "of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and "utopian" counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin's anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren (1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist"Peter Sabatini. "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy"
^Nik Brandal, Øivind Bratberg, Dag Einar Thorsen. The Nordic Model of Social Democracy (2013). Pallgrave MacMillan. p. 7. ISBN1-137-01326-5
^ abBusky, Donald F. (2000). "Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey". Westport, Connecticut, USA: Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.: 8. The Frankfurt Declaration of the Socialist International, which almost all social democratic parties are members of, declares the goal of the development of democratic socialism
^Michael Newman. Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. Cornwall, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 2005. [1]
^ abThomas Meyer. The Theory of Social Democracy. Cambridge, England, UK: Polity Press, 2007. p. 91.
^Front Cover Ira C. Colby, Catherine N. Dulmus, Karen M. Sowers. Connecting Social Welfare Policy to Fields of Practice. John Wiley & Sons, 2012. p. 29.
^Thomas Meyer, Lewis P. Hinchman. The theory of social democracy. Cambridge, England, UK; Malden, Massachusetts, USA: Polity Press, 2007. p. 137.
^Martin Upchurch, Graham John Taylor, Andy Mathers. The crisis of social democratic trade unionism in Western Europe: the search for alternatives. Surrey, England, UK; Burlington, Vermont, USA: Ashgate Publishing, 2009. p. 51.
^ abGerald F. Gaus, Chandran Kukathas. Handbook of political theory. London, England, UK; Thousand Oaks, California, USA; New Delhi, India: SAGE Publications, 2004. Pp. 420.
^Stanislao G. Pugliese. Carlo Rosselli: socialist heretic and antifascist exile. Harvard University Press, 1999. Pp. 99.
^Noel W. Thompson. Political economy and the Labour Party: the economics of democratic socialism, 1884-2005. 2nd edition. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2006. Pp. 60-61.
^Roland Willey Bartlett, Roland Willey Bartlett. The success of modern private enterprise. Interstate Printers & Publishers, 1970. Pp. 32. "Liberal socialism, for example, is unequivocally in favour of the free market economy and of freedom of action for the individual and recognizes in legalistic and artificial monopolies the real evils of capitalism."
^ abcSteve Bastow, James Martin. Third way discourse: European ideologies in the twentieth century. Edinburgh, Scotland, UK: Edinburgh University Press, Ltd, 2003. Pp. 72.
^Nadia Urbinati. J.S. Mill's political thought: a bicentennial reassessment. Cambridge, England, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007 Pp. 101.
^Journal of Homosexuality, 1995, Volume 29, Issue 2/3. ISSN0091-8369 – Simultaneously published as: Gay men and the sexual history of the political left, Gert Hekma et al. Eds. Harrington Park Press 1995, ISBN1-56023-067-3. p. 14
^Charles Fourier, Le Nouveau Monde amoureux (written 1816–18, not published widely until 1967: Paris: Éditions Anthropos). pp. 389, 391, 429, 458, 459, 462, and 463.
^According to his biographer Neil McKenna, Wilde was part of a secret organisation that aimed to legalise homosexuality, and was known among the group as a leader of "the Cause". (McKenna, Neil. 2003. The Secret Life of Oscar Wilde.)
^Flood, M. (2007) International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities, Routledge: Abingdon, p. 315
^"Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por John Zerzan. Para George Woodcock, esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX.""La Insumisión voluntaria. El Anarquismo individualista Español durante la Dictadura i la Segunda República (1923–1938)" by Xavier DiezDiarsipkan 26 May 2006 di Wayback Machine.
G.D.H. Cole, History of Socialist Thought, in 7 volumes, Macmillan and St. Martin's Press, 1965; Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 reprint; 7 volumes, hardcover, 3160 pages, ISBN1-4039-0264-X.
Emile Perreau-Saussine, What remains of socialism?, in Patrick Riordan (dir.), Values in Public life: aspects of common goods (Berlin, LIT Verlag, 2007), pp. 11–34.
John Barkley Rosser and Marina V. Rosser, Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004. ISBN978-0-262-18234-8.
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